Obama and the future of transatlantic relations
Obama will be barraged with ?wish lists? from around the world following inauguration. Ulrike Gu?rot argues the case for transatlantic relations
ECFR Alumni · Former Senior Policy Fellow
Ulrike Guérot used to work for ECFR as Senior Policy Fellow.
Obama will be barraged with ?wish lists? from around the world following inauguration. Ulrike Gu?rot argues the case for transatlantic relations
Ulrike Gu?rot urges the Czech Republic, the current holder of the EU Presidency, to ratify the Lisbon Treaty
Ulrike Gu?rot warns that there is no vision for Europe without the leadership tandem
With the pivotal change of leadership in Washington, the US and the EU may have an ideal moment to strengthen the US-EU institutional bond
From a German perspective, the Mediterranean Union seems to have launched surprisingly well. An article in German
The French EU presidency will only be successful if the Franco-German engine refloats
Europe’s citizens – and the world – need an EU that can act more effectively abroad. Failure by European leaders to create such a Union would have serious repercussions
CDU’s new draft National Security Strategy is a useful document but one that seems to be ignoring the benefits of being part of the EU
The EU’s success will be measured against its ability to act on the global stage, so its governments will have to allocate more towards a common EU foreign policy
If the EU is to face up to its global ambitions, a revitalized Weimar triangle needs to take on more political leadership
Germany will not provide clear leadership for Europe
From our Reinvention of Europe series of National papers
Hollande and Merkel should launch an ambitious EU reform programme
The thinking behind Germany’s unpopular approach to the crisis
Understanding Berlin’s internal debates about its European role
How to help Germany rework its role as the keystone of Europe
With the pivotal change of leadership in Washington, the US and the EU may have an ideal moment to strengthen the US-EU institutional bond
Germany will continue to dissapoint the rest of Europe. Angela Merkel will remain cautious and resistant to grand plans, no matter how much Europeans want her to act
Like Greece, Spain and Germany, Britain now faces a cathartic moment when it needs to decide what price it is worth paying to stay in the European Union: coolheaded rationality must prevail over emotion
On Thursday EU leaders will meet in Brussels to discuss the EU budget for the next seven years. ECFR experts in Spain, the UK, Bulgaria, Denmark, France, Germany and Italy tell us what to expect.
Germany and Poland have become close political allies. The future of the European Union may be decided in Berlin and Warsaw. But has Poland replaced France as Germany's most trusted European partner?
As part of the ’Reinventing Europe' project, ECFR is publishing a series of papers on the national debates within EU member states over the crisis and the future direction of Europe. The sixth paper in the series analyses the situation in Germany ahead of the Constitutional Court's crucial ESM verdict.
In its attempts to rescue the euro, Germany is often seen as the odd country out. However, what is seldom understood abroad is that the German position is about more than limiting its own fiscal exposure.
How does the EU summit look from Berlin, Madrid, Rome and Warsaw, and what are the expectations? Four of ECFR's experts tell us how they see the gathering of EU leaders and whether anybody should be optimistic about the outcome.
Understanding how Berlin thinks is now more important than ever. If EU leaders want Angela Merkel to listen to calls for growth, they first need to understand her economic mindset which is deeply rooted in a concept known as 'ordoliberalism'.
Germany has fallen out of love with Europe, and its customary role as the uncomplaining engine of the EU. But as other EU members question whether Germany is now ‘going it alone’, Berlin must answer questions about what Germany wants from Europe in the 21st century, and what price it is willing to pay for it
Eine interessengeleite deutsche Europapolitik ersetzt zunehmend die historisch bedingte Symbiose zwischen Deutschland und Europa. Im post-romantischen Europa des 21.Jahrhunderts bestimmt sich Deutschlands Rolle neu – wie viel Europa darf es sein und was ist der Preis von Nicht-Europa?