Go to ECFR's "Germany in Europe" page, where you can find publications, commentary pieces and podcasts abut the role of Germany in Europe.
We've just published the third edition of ECFR's European Foreign Policy Scorecard. For those of you who prefer to consume your news in video form, have a watch of this:
On 31st January we publish the ECFR Foreign Policy Scorecard 2013. Here's a short video that I've just put together to explain what the Scorecard project is, and why it should be of interest to everybody interested in European influence in the world...
The EU has received the Nobel Peace Prize and could take a break from the current Eurozone crisis. But this week the hype is over and Europe will be back to normal: struggling to define its own future at the forthcoming European Council on October 18th.
On the agenda is an ambitious draft for a ‘genuine economic and monetary union’ prepared by the four presidents of the EU, Herman van Rompuy, José Manuel Barroso, Jean-Claude Juncker and Mario Draghi who, beyond fighting over who goes to Oslo, also need to find a way to create a European version of de facto fiscal federalism. This will not be easy to achieve and more money will need to be spend.
Angela Merkel’s surprising visit to Athens can be seen as a first step to convince the German public of the necessity to radically change the Eurozone. The visit was purely symbolic. Nothing was decided on the current Greek rescue program
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In 2000 the American academic Aaron Friedberg wrote an influential essay called “Will Europe’s Past Be Asia’s Future?” in which he argued that great-power rivalry in Asia in the twenty-first century could resemble that in Europe in the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century. Since then, there has been an ongoing debate among academics and analysts about the relevance to Asian security of the European history that culminated in World War I. In particular, some see a parallel between China now and Germany then: the rise of China today could be a threat to the US-led liberal international order just as the rise of Germany was a threat to the British-led liberal international order at the end of nineteenth century. “Modern China is the Germany of a century ago – a rising, expanding, have-not power seeking its place in the sun”, writes Charles Krauthammer.
A more specific
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France and Germany are setting tongues wagging. Despite the celebrations at Ludwigsburg last week,where Angela Merkel and Francois Hollande did a great job making the Franco-German relationship look good on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of General de Gaulle’s speech to German youth, the general tone in Berlin is one of a certain irritation when it comes to France and the state of Franco-German relations.
The Germans, in short, are wondering about two things: Firstly, whether France will carry out its structural reforms. Most Germans probably welcome Nicholas Bavarez’ new book “Réveillez-vous”, in which the author makes an urgent case for the need for France to reform its economy deeply, and tries to wake France from its attitude of economic exceptionalisme . However, it’s not only the French economy that seems in deep trouble: France’s economic choices under François
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